fiction.wikisort.org - Writer

Ismael Moreno Pino (15 February 1927 – 15 August 2013) was a Mexican lawyer, diplomat, scholar and author who served as Deputy Foreign Secretary and Ambassador of Mexico.[1] In the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis, which had brought the world to the brink of a full-scale nuclear war,[2] he was active in achieving denuclearization in Latin America and the Caribbean.[3][4]

His Excellency Ismael Moreno Pino BVO OMCh OSC OSP
Ambassador of Mexico
In office 1964–1992
President	Adolfo López Mateos Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Luis Echeverría José López Portillo Miguel de la Madrid Carlos Salinas de Gortari
Personal details
Born	(1927-02-15)15 February 1927 Mérida, Yucatán, Mexico
Died	15 August 2013(2013-08-15) (aged 86) Mexico City
Political party	Independent
Spouse	Guadalupe Mercedes González de Hermosillo y Quirós
Children	Patricia Ismael Lourdes
Parent(s)	Aida Pino Cámara (mother) Ramón Moreno Sánchez (father)
Relatives	María Cámara Vales (grandmother) José María Pino Suárez (grandfather) Alejandro Lecanda Moreno (grandson)
Education	American School Foundation
Alma mater	Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Georgetown University
Profession	Lawyer Statesman Diplomat Author
Awards	Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany

Born in Mérida, Yucatán, a member of the influential Pino-Cámara family, he was the grandson of José María Pino Suárez,[5][6] a leader of the Mexican Revolution who later served as the first democratically elected Vice-President of Mexico between 1911 and his assassination in 1913. Educated at the American School Foundation in Mexico City, he received a Law degree from Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Afterward, he continued his studies at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., earning a Bachelor of Science (BS) and a Master of Science (MS) in Foreign Service.

In the Foreign Office, he served as Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs and Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs. In a Cold War context, he was active in preparing Mexico's foreign policy response as a non-aligned country during the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, a delicate task as Mexico had to maintain close ties both with the United States and Cuba.[7] He also played a prominent role in the Mexican-led negotiations which culminated in the signing of the Treaty of Tlatelolco (1969), prohibiting nuclear weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, collaborating closely with Alfonso García Robles, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982 for their efforts.[4][8] U Thant, Secretary General of the United Nations, described it as "an event of historical significance in the global effort to prevent nuclear proliferation and stopping the nuclear arms race in Latin America creating, for the first time in history, a nuclear-weapons-free zone in an inhabited part of the Earth."[9]

A career diplomat, he was appointed to the rank of Ambassador in 1964, representing his country in Germany, The Netherlands, Chile, the Organization of American States in Washington, D.C., the United Nations in New York and Geneva, Switzerland, among others. During the seven years that he held office as Ambassador to Chile, he witnessed the rise of Salvador Allende and the lead-up to the 1973 Chilean coup d'état. In 1982, President José López Portillo appointed him to the lifetime rank of Eminent Ambassador (Embajador eminente), a special honour reserved by law for a maximum of ten diplomats who are considered to have rendered a particularly distinguished contribution to Mexico's foreign policy.[10] Prior to retiring in 1992, he had the distinction of serving as the doyen of the Mexican Diplomatic Service. As a legal scholar, he was the author of several treatises on international law and diplomacy; he is nowadays particularly remembered for his authorship of Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects (1996) which has educated generations of diplomats in Latin America.

Family origins

Born in Mérida, Yucatán on 15 February 1927, he was the only son of Aída Pino Cámara and Ramón Moreno Sánchez. His maternal grandparents were José María Pino Suárez,[5][6] a key leader of the Mexican Revolution who later served as the 7th Vice-President of Mexico, and María Cámara Vales, who served as Second Lady of Mexico and was awarded the Belisario Domínguez Medal of Honor in 1969,[11] the highest civil award which can be bestowed on a Mexican citizen.

He descends from the de la Cámara family, which can trace their origins to the 13th-century Kingdom of Castile and the Spanish Reconquista.[12][13][14] In the 15th century, a branch of the family established itself in the Kingdom of Portugal, becoming part of the high nobility after leading the conquest of Madeira[15] and, afterwards, participating in the consolidation of the Iberian Union under Philip II during the mid-16th century.[16] In 1539, Juan de la Cámara participated in the Spanish conquest of Yucatán and later became one of the founders of Mérida.[17][18]

Moreno Pino's family is closely related to the Yucatecan oligarchy (sometimes known as the divine caste); his great-grandfather was Raymundo Cámara Luján,[19] an influential businessman. Meanwhile, his great-granduncle was Agustín Vales Castillo,[20] a financier and industrialist who also served as Mayor of Mérida between 1902 and 1907. Among his great-uncles are Alfredo Cámara Vales [es]. and Nicolás Cámara Vales who were Governors of Quintana Roo and Yucatán, respectively.

As the grandson of Pino Suárez, he is also a direct line descendant of Pedro Sáinz de Baranda,[21] a founding father who, after fighting the Battle of Trafalgar as a Spanish naval officer, founded the Mexican Navy during the Mexican War of Independence; later in his career, he served as Governor of Yucatán and is widely regarded for having introduced the Industrial Revolution to the country.[22] Other prominent members of the Sáinz de Baranda family include the brothers Pedro Baranda [es] and Joaquín Baranda,[23] as well as Pedro Sainz de Baranda [es] who served as Mayor of Madrid during the Napoleonic invasion of Iberia.[24]

Education

A graduate of the American School Foundation in Mexico City,[25] he studied at the Faculty of Law at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, receiving his Law degree in 1949,[26] with the thesis "el cuerpo consular mexicano al servicio del plan nacional de recuperación económica (In English: "the role of the consular corps in the national economic recovery plan"), a copy of which can still be obtained in the U.S. Library of Congress.[27] He completed his academic studies by obtaining both a Bachelor of Science (BS) and a Master (MS) in Foreign Service (MS) from the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where his roommate was Frank V. Ortiz, who would later serve as U.S. Ambassador to Argentina and Peru.

Marriage and issue

In February 1963, Moreno Pino married Guadalupe Mercedes González de Hermosillo y Quirós. She was the eldest daughter of Bernardo González de Hermosillo y Ríos, an Airforce General,[28] who had been active in preparing Mexico's response for the Second World War, commanding the 203rd Fighter Squadron which, attached to the 58th Fighter Group of the United States Army Air Forces, was prepared to join the allied war effort in the Pacific theater.[29] The González de Hermosillo family, a well-known family of landowners, settled in the Los Altos de Jalisco region in 1550, coming to the New World from Burgos, Spain. They were part of a group of approximately one hundred families of Spaniards who had colonised the region at the request of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor.[30][31][32] Among the members of the González de Hermosillo family are at least two heroes of the Mexican War of Independence: José María González de Hermosillo [es][33] and Pedro Moreno González de Hermosillo.[34] The city of Hermosillo, capital of the Federal State of Sonora, takes its name in honour of the former, while the city of Lagos de Moreno was named after the later.

The couple had three children: Patricia, Ismael and Lourdes.

Diplomatic career

Early career: the Foreign Ministry and Mexico's response to the Cold War

A protégé of Manuel Tello,[35] then the Foreign Secretary, Moreno Pino joined the Foreign Office in 1952 and the Diplomatic Service in 1955, after passing the necessary examinations.[35] Originally, he was hired as a legal advisor to the Mexican delegation to the Organization of American States in Washington, D.C.[36]

Succeeding Jorge Castañeda y Álvarez de la Rosa, he served as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs (1960–64). Between 1964 and 1965, he served as Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs. In 1964, President Adolfo López Mateos appointed him to the rank of Ambassador of Mexico.

As a non-aligned country in a Cold War context, Mexico was treading a fine line between the Western Bloc, led by the United States, and the Warsaw Pact countries, led by the USSR. This was exacerbated after Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba in 1959, providing no easy solutions for Mexican foreign policy: "wholehearted support for the Cuban Revolution would create an unsustainable tension with the United States, the business community and the Catholic Church; meanwhile, wholehearted support for the United States would provoke an unsustainable tension with the revolutionary government of Cuba, the Mexican intelligentsia and other left-wing sectors which could become radicalized. The Mexican political system entrusted this delicate mission to the Foreign Ministry headed at that time by Manuel Tello, Foreign Secretary, and José Gorostiza, Deputy Foreign Secretary and, next to them, a noteworthy cadre of career diplomats educated in a tradition that [dates back] to the times when the proverb 'a Texan might beat a Mexican in a fight, but he is lost if he tries to argue with him' was minted."[7]

Moreno Pino actively participated in shaping Mexico's response to the Cuban Revolution and its aftermath, including the Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961) and the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962). Indeed, Moreno Pino was one of the key Mexican delegates in the Punta del Este meeting (1962)[37][38][39] held after the Cuban Revolution, during which it was decided, contrary to the express wishes of the United States, not to expel Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS). During the meeting, Secretary Tello declared that Cuba's communist ideology was incompatible with OAS membership (pleasing the US); nevertheless, Mexico argued that the OAS Charter had no provision for the expulsion of a member state (pleasing Cuba).[40] Mexico also advocated for non-interventionism, as established in the Estrada Doctrine.[41]

During these crises, Mexico successfully maintained close relations both with the United States and Cuba. In June 1962, President John F. Kennedy carried out a state visit to Mexico[42] and Moreno Pino was invited to act as interpreter. During the visit, Kennedy "recognized that the fundamental goals of the Mexican Revolution were the same as those of the Alliance for Progress: social justice and economic progress in a framework of individual and political liberty." On the other hand, Fidel Castro extended his recognition "to Mexico, to the Mexican government that has maintained the strongest position, we can say that it inspires us with respect, that with the Mexican government we are willing to talk and discuss, and... we are willing to commit ourselves to maintaining a policy subject to norms, inviolable norms of respect for the sovereignty of each country and of not interfering in the internal affairs of any country."[43]

Another sensitive issue at the time was the representation of China in the United Nations; this issue was particularly delicate because China had a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. After the Chinese Revolution of 1949, the Communists led by Mao Zedong had established the People's Republic of China (PRC) while Chiang Kai-shek and his followers took refuge in Taiwan, continuing the regime of the Republic of China. During the first two decades of the Cold War, the latter was known as "Nationalist China", while the former was known as "Communist China" (Two Chinas). Despite Mao's triumph, most Western countries, including Mexico, continued to recognize "Nationalist China". During these years, the question of which of the two had the right to be China's legitimate representative before the UN was one of the biggest headaches for multilateral diplomacy. Between 1949 and 1971, Taiwan continued to represent China in the United Nations to the chagrin of the Soviet bloc.

In December 1961, while serving as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs, responsible for supervising Mexico's relations with the United Nations, Moreno Pino persuaded Secretary Tello to instruct Ambassador Luis Padilla Nervo, then Mexico's Permanent Representative to the UN, to vote in favor of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1668, which, proposed by the United States, established that any proposal that tried to change the representation of China in the UN required a supermajority of votes in the UN General Assembly.[44] This resolution succesfully hindered the accession of Communist China to the UN for a decade, until, in 1971, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 was passed, recognizing the PRC as "China's sole legitimate representative to the United Nations."[45]

Negotiation of the Treaty of Tlatelolco: denuclearization in Latin America

After the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, it became obvious to Latin American and Caribbean countries that they had to protect themselves in the case of a nuclear conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union.[46]

President Adolfo López Mateos, "who extended Mexico's diplomatic networks beyond their traditional limits and devoted significant effort to promoting Latin American integration",[4] promoted denuclearization in the region. Indeed, Mexico had been at the forefront of the efforts to denuclearize Latin America; as early as 22 March 1962, Manuel Tello, then the Foreign Secretary, made a unilateral declaration before the United Nations Conference on Disarmament held in Geneva, Switzerland establishing that Mexico would be free of nuclear weapons.

By 1963, Mexico sought backing in creating a nuclear-free zone in Latin America from Presidents Victor Paz Estenssoro (Bolivia), Joao Goulart (Brazil), Jorge Alessandri (Chile) and Carlos Julio Arosemena (Ecuador).[47] Reflecting on Mexico's leadership during the negotiations, Alfonso García Robles noted that: "the prohibition of nuclear weapons in Latin America constitutes, in effect, an undertaking to which Mexico has had the privilege of making a contribution of extraordinary value."[48]

The chief negotiators appointed by Mexico to guide these negotiations included three important diplomats:

The minutes of the negotiations reveal the names of diplomats of enormous stature: Alfonso García Robles, a distinguished jurist and promoter of the treaty, who served as Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico and won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982 for his role in negotiating the treaty [...] Jorge Castañeda y Álvarez de la Rosa, an international jurist who later would later serve as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and, finally, Ismael Moreno Pino, a staunch defender of multilateralism in Mexico who served as Ambassador in the main European capitals and in the United Nations. That brilliant generation was replicated in the quality of the delegations of other countries present in Tlatelolco.

— Alejandro Alday González, director general of the Matías Romero Institute in the Mexican Foreign Ministry[4]

The Preliminary Meeting on the Denuclearization of Latin America (REUPRAL) gathered thirteen nations and created the "Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America", (COPREDAL). The United Nations General Assembly authorized COPREDAL on 27 November 1963 and the negotiations began in November 1964 and were carried out in four sessions until the Treaty was finally signed in February 1967.

Alfonso García Robles, then Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, was appointed as the Permanent Representative to CORPREDAL. Moreno Pino, then the Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs, was originally appointed as the Alternate Representative.[49] However, as García Robles was appointed as the Chairman of COPREDAL, Moreno Pino had to take his place and represent Mexico's interests throughout the negotiations.[50] He continued in this role even as he was appointed Ambassador of Mexico to Chile.

During the inauguration in November 1964, Moreno Pino delivered the keynote address to the representatives of the countries gathered in Mexico City. In his speech, he remarked that even though Mexico was undergoing a presidential transition, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, then the President-Elect, was as committed as his predecessor in supporting the cause of denuclearization. He stated his opposition to the nuclear arms race, noting that the believed such a race was "dangerous as it could degenerate into war." Finally, he mentioned that the competition between the Great Powers for supremacy in their nuclear arsenals had "diverted economic resources that should be used to satisfy the most pressing needs of the people."[51]

The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (commonly referred to as the Treaty of Tlatelolco) was signed in the Foreign Ministry in Mexico City on 14 February 1967. It entered into force two years later on 22 April 1969. Cuba was the last country to ratify the Treaty on 23 October 2002. The treaty is now signed and ratified by all 33 nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. It established a nuclear-weapon-free zone throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, thus becoming the first inhabited nuclear-free zone in the world. "Its historical significance is unquestionable. From its intellectual conception to its signature, the most distinguished minds from the American continent participated in its formulation, faithfully representing a generation anguished by the horrors of two world wars and the threat of a third one [...] incessantly seeking peace and harmony among nations."[4]

Moreno Pino, himself, later wrote:

Concluded in the midst of the cold war, its genesis and subsequent development required a long, tenacious and patient series of negotiations that finally culminated in what U Thant, the Secretary General of the United Nations, described as "an event of historical significance in the global effort to prevent proliferation and stop the nuclear arms race in Latin America," since it came to establish "the necessary statute for the creation, for the first time in history, of a nuclear-free zone in an inhabited part of the Earth."

— Ismael Moreno Pino, writing in Law and Diplomacy in Inter-American Relations in 1999[9]

The Tlatelolco Treaty inspired other regions in Asia, Australasia and Africa to become nuclear-weapon-free zones. Similarly, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was signed in 1968 and entered into force in 1970.

After 1969, he served as a delegate to The Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL),[52] an UN-backed agency headquartered in Mexico City, which is the sole international organization in the world entirely devoted to nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.[53]

In 1966, in recognition of his work during the negotiations, the Government of Brazil awarded him the Grand Cross of the Order of the Southern Cross.[54] Prior to that, President Juscelino Kubitschek, had already awarded him membership of the Order as a Grand Officer.[55]

Ambassador to Chile during the Allende years

On 19 April 1965, President Díaz Ordaz appointed him Mexican Ambassador to Chile.[56][57] After his appointment was ratified by the Mexican Senate and the Chilean government granted their agrément, he arrived in Santiago de Chile on 25 May.[58] On 28 May, he presented his letters of credence to President Eduardo Frei Montalva at the La Moneda Palace.[59][60] He later stated that heading the diplomatic mission "in Chile was a watershed in my professional life: it was not only my first embassy; It was also my first direct experience with bilateral diplomacy. In addition to the difficulties faced by all newly arrived Ambassadors, I later added the challenge and the opportunity to serve as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps accredited in Chile. As in most of the South American nations, in that country the Apostolic Nuncio is, ex officio, Dean of the Diplomatic Corps; As Vice-Dean, I had to replace three different nuncios during their oftentimes prolonged absences."[36]

Some months after arriving in Chile, he purchased the ambassadorial residence still owned by Mexico in Santiago.[36]

During his time in Chile, he witnessed the 1970 Chilean presidential election and its immediate aftermath:

At the end of his term, the Frei government called for elections. The candidates were Jorge Alessandri, nominated by the party which had resulted from unifying of the old Liberal and Conservative parties; Salvador Allende, candidate of the Popular Unity, a group resulting from the electoral union of the Communist and Socialist parties; and Radomiro Tomic, for the Christian-Democratic party.

The presidential elections of 1970 were a close-run affair, but civility reigned. In my opinion, the electoral process was impeccable, although it led to a three-way division of the electorate. According to Chilean law, a second round had to be held in Congress between the two front-runners: Salvador Allende, with the largest relative vote in his favor, and Radomiro Tomic. Although that was the law, a frequently observed tradition established that whoever obtained the first majority was always elected. Keeping with this tradition, Allende followed the strategy of conducting himself as President-Elect. His statements and public actions were in that tenor. Under these circumstances, I began to receive a series of requests —they were never really pressures— to visit him in my capacity as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, a position I held at the time. However, to prevent my visit from being interpreted as an undue intervention in the Chilean electoral process, I delayed this visit as much as possible.

Although the Christian Democrats hadn't yet announced their decision, an important sector of the party, led by Radomiro Tomic himself, had shown their desire to respect tradition [...] As more Christian Democratic demonstrations took place in favor of avoiding new electoral phases, and after Allende had received the visit of some Ambassadors, especially from the Warsaw Pact countries, I finally decided to visit him myself in order to avoid the loss of all my authority as Dean. Dr. Allende appreciated the gesture, and I did not receive any criticism from the Foreign Ministry, the political parties, or the newspapers. Instead, I managed to keep intact the authority of the Dean.

Indeed, tradition indicated that the Diplomatic Corps offered a gala dinner to the new President of the republic; a courtesy that, in other circumstances, would not have implied any difficulties. However, given the Marxist-Leninist ideology of President Allende, the organizing committee for the gala dinner, which I chaired, had to carry out complicated maneuvers to get the event to take place. Not all countries with a diplomatic mission in Chile were as enthusiastic about President Allende's accession to power as the socialist countries, which had received the triumph of the Popular Unity with joy.

In conclusion, Salvador Allende did not lead a Marxist-Leninist government because, as he repeatedly stated, the mission of his government was to prepare the path, under a democratic framework, so that, in due course, a Marxist-Leninist government could come to power. As far as I could observe, he kept his word, his government never acted like a totalitarian government.

— Ismael Moreno Pino on 15 November 1999[36]

He also made the following observations about the Allende administration:

Salvador Allende's government —in my opinion, a democratic one— had to face, among other difficulties, opposition from governments like the United States, which was not at all satisfied with the accession to power of a President of Marxist-Leninist sympathies. It also faced a very adverse economic situation: for example, in 1965 [under the Frei government], people lacked purchasing power but there was a relatively well-stocked consumer market in Chile; With the Allende government, the opposite happened: people had money in their pockets, but there was nothing to buy. Without a doubt, this harmed the new government.

In the domestic political sphere, the Allende government also faced a governance problem, derived, as I have already mentioned, from an electoral process that divided the electorate into three parts.

There were also some excesses among his supporters. In general, members of the communist Party were much more disciplined than the socialists, Allende's party, who felt that many of their expectations were not being met. With the occupation of factories by workers, and farms by farmers and peasants, the situation became extremely difficult.

Under these conditions, a good part of Chilean society, particularly the middle class, urged the army to stand against Allende remaining in the presidency. The army, for its part, was highly professional. They were well-trained and educated people, and nothing suggested the eventual fall of Allende. Although there were difficulties, the truth is that the coup that General Pinochet would later carry out was not yet a foregone conclusion.

While I was still in Santiago, General Pinochet if I remember correctly, was commander of the garrison of Santiago; he was not yet a member of the cabinet. The commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army was General Carlos Prats who, because of an incident, resigned from his post and went to live in Argentina. Allende then appointed General Pinochet as commander of the Army.

Salvador Allende proclaimed himself a democrat and revolutionary. However, when reflecting on it, it could be concluded that if he acted as a democrat, he was not going to carry out a revolution, and if he acted as a revolutionary, he was not going to be a democrat. This, of course, was due to the division of the country into three different camps, none of which had the means to govern on their own. These types of contradictions, among other elements, undermined the strength of the Allende government, particularly in Congress, where he was increasingly unable to carry out his government program.

Allende was a clever politician; an excellent politician. However, the circumstances did not lend themselves to achieving spectacular things. Counting only on the support of the Popular Unity party, he could not get his bills passed in Congress, so he had to maneuver, depending on the issue, to win the support of either the Christian Democrats or the right-wing parties.

— Ismael Moreno Pino on 15 November 1999[36]

Writing in confidential diplomatic cables to Emilio Óscar Rabasa, then the Foreign Secretary, Moreno Pino raised concerns regarding the Chilean economy, noting that to win popular support, Allende had increased worker's wages by up to 55%. To finance this, the Allende government resorted to printing money which, in turn, led to an inflationary spiral.[63] Increasingly, economies in the capitalist bloc were persuaded by the Nixon White House, anxious to destabilize the Allende administration,[64] to boycott the Chilean economy, which meant that (as previously noted) the workers had money in their pockets, but there was little for them to buy as inventories emptied out. Emilio Rabasa would later admit to Joseph J. Jova, the US Ambassador in Mexico, that "Allende was a bad administrator and understood very little about economic problems, however, he was a great patriot who wanted to end the oligarchy that controlled Chile."[65]

Although Mexican relations with South America had "traditionally been limited", after the López Mateos administration, Mexico "began to deviate from its tradition of self-imposed diplomatic isolation".[66] During the period that Moreno Pino was Ambassador in Chile, the relations between Mexico and Chile became a foreign policy priority for both countries. Mexican President Luis Echeverria, who had carried out studies in Chile during his youth,[67] was known to be an admirer of Salvador Allende[68] and "had expressed great sympathy with the [Allende] government", fostering a special relationship between the two countries.[66] Indeed, "from 1971 to 1973 Luis Echeverría sought a rapprochement with the socialist Chile of Salvador Allende, which was carried out within the framework of [...] ideological pluralism, expansion of diplomatic relations and diversification of political relations; all this as an effort to recompose the legitimacy of Mexican political institutions, a legitimacy that was seriously damaged after the events of 1968."[69] In April 1972, Luis Echeverría carried out a prolonged state visit to Chile; it was reciprocated by another visit by Allende to Mexico in December 1972. After the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, Echeverría severed diplomatic ties with Pinochet's Chile;[70] they wouldn't be restored until the restoration of democracy in 1990. Echeverría also gave political refuge to Chilean refugees, including Hortensia Bussi de Allende, Allende's widow and the former First Lady of Chile.[71]

Sometime after his state visit to Chile, Echeverria took the decision to name Moreno Pino as Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany. At the time, Walter Scheel, a close friend of Moreno Pino, was serving as Vice-Chancellor of Germany and Foreign Minister. Moreno Pino subsequently presented letters of credence to Dr. Gustav Heinemann, President of Germany, at the Hammerschmidt Villa in Bonn, Germany.[72][73] In Chile, meanwhile, Moreno Pino, the career diplomat who was apolitical, was replaced with Gónzalo Martínez Corbalá,[63] a seasoned Institutional Revolutionary Party politician with know leftist sympathies[74] who was personally and ideologically close to President Echeverría.[75] Before he left for Germany, Moreno Pino was awarded the Grand Cross of the Order of Merit by President Allende in gratitude for his efforts in strengthening Chile–Mexico relations during his seven years as Ambassador and dean of the diplomatic corps.[76]

• 
  With Eduardo Frei Montalva, President of Chile (1964–1970), at La Moneda Palace in Santiago
• 
  With Augusto Pinochet, President of Chile (1973–1990)
• 
  With Luis Echeverría, President of Mexico (1970–1976)
• 
  Portrait of Ismael Moreno Pino

Other bilateral and multilateral diplomatic postings

After his initial posting in Santiago, Moreno Pino served in various other posts, including Washington, D.C., Berlin, The Hague, Geneva and New York, amongst others. In 1990, he was recalled to Mexico to act as a Senior Foreign Policy Adviser to President Carlos Salinas de Gortari; throughout his diplomatic career, he advised seven Presidents and nine Foreign Secretaries.

In 1990, at the end of his diplomatic mission in The Hague, he was knighted by Beatrix, Queen of the Netherlands, who awarded him the Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau in recognition of his efforts in strengthening Mexico–Netherlands relations.[77]

Between 1986 and 1990, he was a member of the administrative council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, The Netherlands.[78]

During his career, he developed into one of the most eminent policy experts in the Foreign Office on International Organizations and on the Western Hemisphere. He participated in drafting the amendments carried out to the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR)[79] under the Protocol of Buenos Aires (1967), the Protocol of San José (1975) and the Protocol of Cartagena de Indias (1985). The TIAR had established the "hemispheric defense" doctrine which establishes that an attack against one OAS member state should be considered an attack against them all.

As a distinguished multilateralist, he acted as a Special Ambassador to many international organizations over the years. In this capacity, he represented Mexico in the Organization of American States in Washington, D.C.[80][81] and in United Nations offices in New York and in Geneva, Switzerland.[82][83] Throughout his career, he was a delegate in over fifty international conferences on various issues ranging from disarmament to reciprocal assistance; on many occasions, he served as a delegate in the United Nations General Assembly in New York.[84][85]

He was the Secretary General of the Mexican Delegation to the First United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Geneva, Switzerland, between February and April 1958. The conference was important in establishing the modern legal framework of the law of the sea.[86]

He also represented Mexico in the Eighteen Nations Disarmament Committee that was held in Geneva between March and August 1962.[87]

An adjunct professor of international law, he lectured at Georgetown University, the Mexico City College (UDLAP), Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM) and Instituto Matias Romero.[88]

Death

In August 2013, José Antonio Meade, then the Foreign Secretary, informed that Moreno Pino had died. After giving his condolences to his family, he declared that Moreno Pino had contributed during his forty-year diplomatic career to "strengthen the good name of Mexican diplomacy".[89]

Major books

Moreno Pino wrote numerous hemerographic and bibliographic publications. Among the latter, the following stand out:

• Origins and Evolution of the Inter-American System (In Spanish: Orígenes y evolución del sistema interamericano). Tlatelolco, México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 1977. OCLC 4041498[90]
• Law and Diplomacy in Inter-American Relations (In Spanish: Derecho y diplomacia en las relaciones interamericanas). Mexico, D.F.: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999. ISBN 978-968-16-5995-0[91]
• Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects (1996) (In Spanish: La diplomacia: aspectos teoricos y prácticos de su ejercicio profesional). México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 2001. ISBN 978-968-16-5234-0[92]

José Luis Siqueiros Prieto, commenting on Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects opined that:

It is somewhat surprising that given the large bibliography available on public international law, the collection of works on Diplomatic Law is rather limited. Leaving aside the already classic texts by Antokoletz, Cahier, Calvo, Nicolson, Pradier-Fodéré, and Vidal y Saura, the most recent of them published more than two decades ago, no new work has been published in that discipline ... work such as the one being discussed, was absent from the national bibliography. It is for this reason, truly satisfying that ... this book – which is not an essay or manual, but a true treatise on the subject – has been published. The author of the work is Ambassador Ismael Moreno Pino, who, in addition to [his] academic credentials, brings to the table a life devoted to Mexican diplomacy ... In this work, written with scientific rigor and the methodology of the academic, Ambassador Moreno Pino analyzes the entire scope and nature of diplomatic relations, not only from a doctrinal perspective but also with the brushstrokes of his own experiences in the interesting world of diplomatic missions abroad qualifying his teachings with interesting case studies such as that of the so-called Ten Tragic Days... In sum, this work is worthy of being read by all scholars of international and diplomatic law both in Mexico and abroad. It is a valuable addition to the limited bibliography of this important discipline.

— José Luis Siqueiros Prieto, Attorney-at-Law, Founding Partner of Hogan Lovells BSTL and former Chairman of the Inter-American Judicial Committee of the OAS.[61]

Similarly, commenting on Law and Diplomacy in Inter-American Relations, Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor stated that:

Ambassador Moreno Pino [...] has written an important work on politics, law, and diplomacy in Inter-American relations. Although the work deals mainly with issues related to the structure and functioning of the Organization of American States (OAS), the text has even more ambitious content. It presents, with impeccable writing, a historical perspective of the remote origins of the inter-American movement, taking as its source the Spanish School of International Law. It examines, in admirable detail, the evolution of that regional organization, with its successes and frustrations, with its legal talent and political limitations, with its capacity to create institutions and norms, as well as its inability to apply them. For those who intend to learn about the nature of the Inter-American system, the work of Ismael Moreno Pino is required reading [...] it suggests a joint reflection on some of its important issues, to evaluate the role that the OAS should play and the role that Mexico ought to play with other Western Hemisphere countries.

— Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor, former Mexican Foreign Secretary and Vice-President of the International Court of Justice[93]

Portrayals in Culture and Media

Henri Cartier Bresson Photograph in the V&A Museum

In 1963, he and his wife were the subjects of a photograph[94] by Henri Cartier Bresson, the famed French photographer, which is now part of the permanent collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. It is described as follows by the V&A Museum:

"Black and white photograph depicting guests at a drinks reception for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in Mexico City. There are two men wearing tuxedos standing on the left holding drinks, whilst two women sit separately on elaborate chairs. The women are wearing almost identical outfits with fur coats. Two people present in the image are Ambassador Ismael Moreno Pino and Guadalupe Mercedes González de Hermosillo y Quirós."[95]

The photograph is also published in Cartier Bresson’s Mexican Notebooks 1934 – 64 (in French: Carnets Mexicains 1934 - 1964)[96] which includes several works by Cartier Bresson during his time living in Mexico.[97]

U.S. State Department diplomatic cables

On Sunday, 28 November 2010, WikiLeaks began releasing classified cables that had been sent to the U.S. State Department by its diplomatic missions around the world. The leaked documents are dated between December 1966 and February 2010, and contain diplomatic analysis from world leaders, and the diplomats' assessment of host countries and their officials. In a Cold War context, Moreno Pino is mentioned in several of these as a senior figure in the foreign policy establishment of a key non-aligned country.

One leaked U.S. Department of State cable described Moreno Pino, as a "capable diplomat" who is "gracious, friendly and discreet" and noted that, having graduated from the American School and Georgetown, he "displays a favorable attitude to the US" even though he was "a Mexican nationalist who is sensitive to his country's image and interest."[98]

Another leaked document drafted by the US Embassy in Mexico and circulated to Henry Kissinger, the U.S. Secretary of State, and to William Scranton, the US Ambassador to the United Nations, describes a day-long foreign policy briefing held on 13 May 1976 for President Echeverría at the Los Pinos Presidential Residence. The document mentions that "one after another, senior officials delivered major policy papers on their respective bailiwicks", going on to note that Moreno Pino's presentation was "among the more noteworthy."[99]

2022 controversy over Ambassadorial nominations

In April 2022, Moreno Pino's name was brought to the forefront of the political debate as the parliamentary opposition to the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in the Senate of the Republic voted against the president's decision to carry out political appointments in two important Mexican embassies abroad: Spain and the Dominican Republic.[100]

López Obrador had proposed to appoint Quirino Ordaz Coppel, a former Governor of Sinaloa, as Ambassador to Spain. Meanwhile, he also proposed to name Carlos Miguel Aysa González, a former Governor of Campeche, as Ambassador to the Dominican Republic. Both men had, until then, been opposition politicians with no experience in diplomacy and public opinion suspected that the plum diplomatic appointments were only being offered in exchange for the government receiving votes in Congress in favor of the President's proposed plans to carry out an energy reform bill.[101] It was noted, for example, that the appointment of Aysa González was only offered to him to ensure that his son, deputy Carlos Miguel Aysa Damas (an opposition politician) would vote in favor of energy reform, which he did.[102] Nevertheless, the energy reform bill was ultimately rejected.[103]

Germán Martínez Cázares, a Senator, former Cabinet Minister and former President of the National Action Party, gave a speech on the senate floor opposing the Ambassadorial nominations, in which Moreno Pino's legacy was mentioned:

After the [Ambassadorial nominations] in Spain and in the Dominican Republic, we are left with an unpleasant taste, to put it diplomatically. Let's not forget that the office that is being voted on today was once occupied by no other than Ismael Moreno Pino, one of the great diplomats of Mexico, grandson of Pino Suárez, of Vice-President Pino Suárez, and a close collaborator of Alfonso García Robles [...] to whom we owe so much for obtaining nuclear disarmament in the world [ …] you cannot turn the Mexican Foreign Service into a sewer for vain political fixes, you cannot turn the Mexican Foreign Service into a brothel where you pay for political favors, not like this.[104][105][106]

Although the nominations of Ordaz Coppel and Aysa González did not receive the vote of the opposition, the government was, nevertheless, able to secure Senate ratification for their respective appointments as Ambassador to Spain[107] and the Dominican Republic.[108] The scandal for the political appointments was such that both politicians were expelled from the Institutional Revolutionary Party.[109][110]

Foreign honors

Throughout his diplomatic career, Moreno Pino was awarded several honors from several foreign governments:

•  Brazil:
  • Grand Officer of the Order of the Southern Cross, awarded by Juscelino Kubitschek, The President of Brazil.
  • Grand Cross of the Order of the Southern Cross, awarded by Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, The President of Brazil
•  Chile:
  • Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (Chile), awarded by Salvador Allende, The President of Chile
•  Germany:
  • Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, awarded by Gustav Heinemann, The President of Germany.
•  Japan:
  • Order of the Sacred Treasure, Second Class, Gold and Silver Star, awarded by Hirohito, The Emperor of Japan.
•  The Netherlands:
  • Grand Officer of the Order of Orange-Nassau, awarded by Juliana, The Queen of the Netherlands.
  • Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau, awarded by Beatrix, The Queen of the Netherlands
•  Peru:
  • Grand Cross with Diamonds of the Order of the Sun of Peru, awarded by Alan García, The President of Peru.
•  Republic of China:
  • Order of Brilliant Star, Grand Cordon (First Class), awarded by Chiang Kai-shek, The President of the Republic of China.
•  Venezuela:
  • Order of the Liberator, Grand Cordon (First Class), awarded by Luis Herrera Campins, The President of Venezuela.
•  Yugoslavia:
  • Order of the Yugoslav Star, Great Star, awarded by Marshal Josip Broz Tito, The President of Yugoslavia

Bibliography

• Moreno Pino, Ismael. Orígenes y evolución del sistema interamericano. Tlatelolco, México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 1977. OCLC 4041498[90]
• Moreno Pino, Ismael. La diplomacia: aspectos teoricos y prácticos de su ejercicio profesional. México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 2001. ISBN 978-968-16-5234-0[92]
• Moreno Pino, Ismael. Derecho y diplomacia en las relaciones interamericanas. Mexico, D.F.: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999. ISBN 978-968-16-5995-0[91]

References

---