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José María Pino Suárez (Spanish pronunciation: [xosemaˈɾia ˌpinoˈswaɾes]; September 8, 1869 – February 22, 1913) was a Mexican lawyer, writer, newspaper proprietor and politician who served as the 7th and last Vice President of Mexico from 1911 until his assassination during the events of the Ten Tragic Days.

His Excellency José Maria Pino Suárez
7th Vice President of Mexico
In office November 6, 1911 – February 19, 1913
President	Francisco Madero
Preceded by	Abraham González
Succeeded by	office abolished
Secretary of Education
In office February 26, 1912 – February 19, 1913
President	Francisco Madero
Preceded by	Miguel Diaz Lombardo
Succeeded by	Jorge Vera Estañol
President of the Senate
In office November 6, 1911 – February 26, 1912
President	Francisco Madero
Governor of Yucatán
In office October 8, 1911 – November 11, 1911
Preceded by	Jesus L Gonzalez
Succeeded by	Nicolás Camára Vales
Governor of Yucatán (Interim)
In office June 6, 1911 – August 8, 1911
Preceded by	Luis del Carmen Curiel
Succeeded by	Jesus L González
Secretary of Justice (Provisional)
In office October 5, 1910 – May 25, 1911
President	Francisco Madero Provisional
Personal details
Born	(1869-09-08)8 September 1869 Tenosique, Tabasco, Mexico
Died	22 February 1913(1913-02-22) (aged 43) Mexico City, Mexico
Resting place	Panteón de Dolores
Political party	Progressive Constitutionalist Party
Relations	Pino-Cámara family
Alma mater	Colegio de San Ildefonso Instituto Literario de Yucatán
Profession	Lawyer newspaper proprietor politician poet

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A leader of the Mexican Revolution, he played a vital role in Mexico's democratic transition. During the Revolution, he served as a peace commissioner tasked with negotiating the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez which led to the resignation of Porfirio Díaz, the dictator, who had governed the country for a total of thirty-one years. In November 1911, Francisco I. Madero and Pino Suárez became the first democratically elected leaders in Mexican history. During a brief but distinguished political career, he also served as Secretary of Justice (1910–11) in the provisional government of Madero, Governor of Yucatán (1911), Secretary of Education (1912–1913) and President of the Senate (1911-1912). As a journalist, he was the founder and managing director of El Peninsular, a newspaper, and as a poet, he was the author of several works that were published both in Mexico and in Europe.

In February 1913, the military toppled the government in a coup d'état, ordering the assassination of Madero and Pino Suárez. In 1969, María Cámara Vales, his widow, received the Belisario Domínguez Medal of Honor, recognizing their joint sacrifice for democracy and freedom in the country.[1] Due to his loyalty to President Madero and his liberal ideals, he is known in Mexican historiography as "El caballero de la Lealtad" (the "loyal gentleman").

Early years

Born in Tenosique, Tabasco, "almost by accident – his family was among the most notable in Mérida and he was the great-grandson of the founder of the Mexican navy, Pedro Sáinz de Baranda,”[2] he was the son of José María Pino Salvatiel, a businessman from Mérida, Yucatán, and Josefa Suarez. His paternal grandparents were José María Pino and Perfecta Salvatiel, while his maternal grandparents were José Eusebio Suárez and Baltasara Abreu. Shortly after the birth of José María, his mother died, an event that was devastating for the young man. He had a younger brother, Néstor Pino Suárez who served as a Colonel and was mortally wounded in battle in 1912, trying to end the Quintero insurrection in Sinaloa.[3]

Family origins

Pino Suárez came from a well-known family in the Yucatan Peninsula. His great-grandfather was Pedro Sainz de Baranda (1787-1845),[4] a naval officer, industrialist and liberal politician born in San Francisco de Campeche, who having trained in the Spanish Navy, fought in the Battle of Trafalgar.[5] Afterwards, he fought in the Mexican War of Independence and played an important role in founding the Mexican Navy.[6] Prior to his death in 1845, he served as Governor of Yucatán[7] and is also credited with introducing the Industrial Revolution to Mexico, opening the first textile factory in the country to use steam power.[8][9][10]

Pino's great-uncles were Joaquín Baranda and Pedro Baranda [es].[4] The former served as Governor of Campeche, Senator, and was a long-serving as cabinet minister between 1882 and 1901, appointed as Secretary of Justice, Education and Foreign Affairs under Presidents Manuel González and Porfirio Díaz. Meanwhile, the latter was a drafter of the 1857 Constitution, and promoted the creation of the states of Campeche and Morelos, serving as Governor of both states.

Another uncle of Pino Suárez was Joaquín Casasús,[11] a lawyer, banker and economist who served as Ambassador to the United States and managed to obtain a favorable ruling for Mexico in the Chamizal dispute.

His first cousin, Luis Felipe Domínguez Suárez [es] would later serve two terms as Governor of Tabasco.[12][13]

Education

Shortly after Pino's birth, his mother died. His father, a busy businessman, entrusted his education to a private tutor. When Pino reached adolescence, it was decided that he should study in Mérida, Yucatán where he lived in the house of Raúl Carrancá,[14] a close friend of the Pino family, who was then Consul of Spain in Mérida; his son, Raúl Carrancá y Trujillo, would later become an outstanding criminal defense lawyer.

In Mérida, Pino was admitted to the prestigious Colegio de San Ildefonso [es], a Jesuit-run grammar school that had a curriculum based on the French Lycées.[15] During those years, Pino became a close friend of the director of the school, Norberto Domínguez, who would later become Archbishop of Yucatan. Pino graduated from San Ildefonso speaking fluent French and English.

A lawyer, he obtained his law degree from the Instituto Literario de Yucatán [es] in 1894.[15]

Marriage and descendants

In 1896, he married María Cámara Vales,[16] the eldest daughter of Raymundo Cámara Luján, a business magnate and head of the House of Cámara, “a powerful clan of the high Yucatecan aristocracy.”[17] Her uncle was Agustín Vales Castillo, an industrialist and banker who served as the Mayor of Mérida between 1902 and 1907.[18][19]

It is worth noting that two of Maria's brothers had political careers of their own: Nicolás Camára Vales served as Governor of Yucatán, while Alfredo Cámara Vales served as Governor of Quintana Roo.

The marriage had the following issue:[20]

1. María Pino Cámara – (born in 1898) married to:
   • (i) Fernando Ponce Alonzo, her second-cousin, a wealthy brewer born to Manuel Ponce Cámara and Adriana Alonzo Navarrete. He was the grandson of José María Ponce Solís [es], the founder of Cervecería Yucateca, S.A.[21][22] (sold by the Ponce family to Grupo Modelo in the 1980s); they had the following issue:
     • Fernando Ponce Pino
     • María Ponce de Ordiales
   • (ii) José González Sada, an industrialist who was the son of José González Treviño and Concepción Sada Muguerza; through his paternal family, he was the first cousin of president Francisco I. Madero and through his maternal family he was the first cousin of Eugenio Garza Sada, one of the most important industrialists in Monterrey. The marriage had no issue.
2. Alfredo Pino Cámara (born in 1899), a distinguished lawyer who was the federal judge responsible for instructing the famous murder case against Tina Modotti, the Italian communist photographer;[23][24] he married:
   • Margarita Riba; they had the following issue:
     • Alfredo Pino Riba
3. José Emilio Pino Cámara (born c. 1900), a lawyer, he was married to:
   • Jenny Méndez; they had the following issue:
     • José María Pino
     • Pilar Pino de Ávila
4. Aída Pino Cámara (born in 1904), married to:
   • Ramón Moreno Sánchez, a financier born into a family of landowners from Los Altos de Jalisco which had been involved in the silver mining industry since colonial times; they had the following issue:
     • Ismael Moreno Pino – a former Deputy Foreign Minister and Ambassador of Mexico to Germany, The Netherlands, Chile, Peru, Venezuela, the OAS in Washington, D.C. and the United Nations in New York and Geneva, Switzerland. A staunch defender of multilateralism, he was one of the key negotiators of the Treaty of Tlatelolco which led to the denuclearization of Latin America.
5. Hortensia Pino Cámara (born in 1907) married to:
   • Humberto Ponce Sotelo; they had the following issue:
     • Humberto Ponce Pino
     • Maria Cristina Ponce Pino
6. Cordelia Pino Cámara (born in 1912), she was baptised in the Chapultepec Castle and her godparents were President Francisco I. Madero and First Lady Sara Perez. She was married to:
   • Patricio Escalante Guerra, the eldest son of Carlos Escalante Peón and Rosa Guerra Fitzmaurice, he was the grandson of Eusebio Escalante Bates [es], the wealthy industrialist responsible for developing the henequen industry in Yucatán;[25][26] meanwhile, his great uncle was Carlos Peón Machado, a liberal politician who served as Governor of Yucatán;

Early years: lawyer and businessman

Newly married, the Pino Cámara couple moved to Mexico City where Pino practiced law with his relative Joaquín Casasús, a distinguished lawyer who had extensive connections with the Cientificos, the technocrat advisors of President Díaz.

In 1899, the couple returned to Mérida where Pino Suárez undertook business activities in partnership with his father-in-law, Raymundo Cámara Luján. After the financial panic of 1907, the Escalante export house, one of the major henequen trading houses collapsed. Eusebio Escalante Bates [es] had been a close business ally of Cámara Luján and his bankruptcy surprised the entire society of Mérida as well as financial circles in Mexico City, New York and Paris. Many wealthy entrepreneurs and individuals lost significant sums of capital while the rival group of businessmen, headed by Olegario Molina profited: “rarely in history has one business benefited so much from the misfortune of another. The fall of the Escalante House ensured Molina's dominance over the key sectors of the regional economy.”[27]

Faced with this situation, several landowners from traditional families, including the Cámara family, distanced themselves from Molina and the federal government headed by Porfirio Díaz.

In his spare time, ¨Pino was also an accomplished poet, having published two volumes: Melancolias (1896)[28] and Procelarias (1903).[29] He also wrote the prologue to Memorias de un alférez (Memoires of an Ensign), written by his close friend, Eligio Ancona (1904).[30]

Founder of El Peninsular

Since 1904 Pino Suárez had liquidated his partnership with his father-in-law and had decided to reinvest his capital in the foundation of El Peninsular, a newspaper from which he would criticize the monopoly headed by Olegario Molina.

The newspaper's editor-in-chief was Ignacio Ancona Horruytiner,[31] a close friend of his. Under Ancona's leadership, Pino Suárez gathered some of the most brilliant minds in the Yucatecan intelligentsia, including Serapio Rendón Alcocer [es],[32] who would later serve as a maderista Congressman before being brutally assassinated by the Huerta régime.[33] Another journalist and future politician who worked for the newspaper was Alberto Ancona Albertos [es], a Pino protégé who was the son of Eligio Ancona, the distinguished liberal statesman, and would later become a drafter of the 1917 Mexican Constitution before becoming a three-term Senator and - following in his father's footsteps - serving as Governor of Yucatán in the 1920s.[34] Other distinguished journalists to work for the paper included Serapio Baqueiro Barrera [es] and Ricardo Mimenza Castillo [es].[35]

Curiously enough, this evening paper was noted for its national and international news service, such as its review of the Russo-Japanese War. During its first year of circulation the paper gained many subscribers and advertisers. However, the denunciations of the system of exploitation of the peasants in some henequen haciendas that appeared after February 1905 provoked the anger of the landowners, who pressured companies to remove advertisements and readers to cancel their subscription to the point of threatening the newspaper's financial stability. In his efforts to maintain the newspaper and defend freedom of speech against such pressures, Pino Suárez participated in August of that year in the founding of the "Asociación de la Prensa Yucateca" (Yucatan Press Association), of which he served as vice-chairman. It seems to have been then, defending his newspaper, that he caught his first glimpse of his political vocation. In the end, Pino Suárez had to end his association with the newspaper to prevent it from going bankrupt, selling it to his brother-in-law Alfredo Cámara Vales.”[2]

In the newspaper, Pino Suárez "expressed his open and clear repudiation of the bad treatment received by the laborers of the large plantations",[36] chiefly the Maya and Yaqui indigenous peoples as well as indentured Asians (chiefly Chinese and Korean immigrants)[37] forced to work as slaves on henequen haciendas. The conditions faced by these labourers is aptly described by Professor Timothy J. Henderson in the following excerpt:

To ensure the latter enticement – cheap labor – the Díaz government outlawed labor unions and gave employees carte blanche to behave as callously as they wished. Repression of labor during the Porfiriato […] was notorious. One of the most famous accounts, journalist John Kenneth Turner's aptly titled Barbarous Mexico, contains harrowing descriptions of Maya and Yaqui Indians forced to work as slaves on hemp plantations under the brutal sun of Yucatán, starting well before daylight and ending well after sunset, their day's only meal a couple of tortillas, a cup of beans, and a bowl of rancid fish broth […] American capitalists found the lure of so much cheap labor well-nigh irresistible. Ex-president Ulysses S. Grant, toward the end of his life, took to preaching boundless opportunities for American capital in Mexico, mostly because, in addition to many valuable natural resources, Mexico could furnish workers who were ‘industrious, frugal and willing to work for a pittance, if afforded an opportunity’.”[38]

Felipe Carrillo Puerto, the future Governor of Yucatán, would later relate that in opposing the enslavement of the plantation laborers, Pino Suárez had first "fanned the revolutionary flame."[39]

The newspaper was also critical of Olegario Molina's role both in government and as a businessman. "State officials were so wary of criticism of any kind that they closed down [...] El Peninsular, in October for having the temerity to argue that Molina did not deserve a second term."[40]

After this event, the Pino Cámara family withdrew from public life, going to live for two years to the Polyuc Hacienda, a remote sugar plantation.

Political career

Maderismo and the 1909 local elections

In December 1908, Francisco I. Madero, published The Presidential Succession in 1910, which argued in favor of a transition from the military dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz. who had governed the country for thirty years, toward a liberal democracy.[41] His supporters became known as Maderistas or Antireleccionistas, due to their opposition to Mexican Presidents seeking reelection, a prohibition which remain in effect to this date. Madero, who had been born in into one of the wealthiest families of industrialists in the country, had been educated in élite schools in France and the United States[42][43] before returning to Mexico with liberal and progressive ideals.

Pino, who had been retired from public life since 1908, received a copy of the book and enthusiastically went to meet Madero during his tour of Yucatán:

“In June 1909, Francisco I. Madero began his first political tour in Veracruz, seeking to dispute the presidency from Porfirio Díaz [...] he decided to continue towards Yucatan, but when he arrived at Progreso, only six people were waiting for him. Amongst these were two important figures: Delio Moreno Cantón [es] a gubernatorial candidate for the Independent Electoral Center and Pino [...] Madero's disappointment at the low turnout was temporary, not only because as soon as he arrived in Mérida a large crowd acclaimed him, but because of his encounter with Pino, who from then on would become a true friend. Mysteriously, or perhaps logically, the spiritist [Madero] had found a kindred soul in the poet [Pino].”[2]

Supporting the Maderista cause, Pino founded and presided over the Anti-Reelectionist Club in Mérida, which initially supported Delio Moreno as a candidate for governor in the 1909 elections. Madero knew that the oppositionist candidacy would not have the opportunity to overthrow the ruling party (Molinistas), which at that time was headed by Governor Enrique Muñoz Aristegui, a mere figurehead for Olegario Molina. However, he believed that Moreno's candidacy could establish the necessary foundations to ensure the triumph of anti-reelectionism in future elections.

Pino eventually withdrew his support for Moreno Cantón upon learning that he had sent a commission headed by José Vales Castillo to the capital of the Republic to confer with President Díaz and propose a list of candidates for the governorship so that the dictator could chose as he saw fit: the list included Luis del Carmen Curiel, Alfonso Cámara y Cámara, as well as Moreno himself, all of whom were “active porfiristas, although they later would declare, they had always been anti-reelectionists at heart.”[44] In this way, the opposition to Governor Muñoz Aristegui was divided between the followers of Delio Moreno (Morenistas) who negotiated with the military dictatorship in order to obtain power and the followers of José María Pino (Pinistas) who refused to do so.

Through an evident electoral fraud,[2] the victory was granted to Muñoz Aristegui, the official candidate. The reelected state government almost immediately started a political persecution against the losing candidates that forced them to temporarily flee the state.

The Muñoz Arístegui administration repressed, exiled, and imprisoned many of its political opponents. The morenista opposition was mobilized, leading to the Rebelión de Valladolid [es].[45] This in turn provoked an even more violent reaction from the local government against the rebels. Faced with this wave of repression, the Morenistas went underground. Meanwhile, Pino was also forced to leave the state, settling in the neighboring state of Tabasco.

Given the situation of violence and repression in Yucatan, President Porfirio Díaz decided to send a military general with experience in matters of war to ensure control of the situation. On March 11, 1911, Governor Enrique Muñoz Arístegui was relieved of power by General Luis del Carmen Curiel,[46] whose candidacy was supported by the Morenistas. Those in the opposition that had negotiated with the military dictatorship had gained access to the levers of power while those who had refused to do so remained in the political wilderness.

The 1910 Revolution

At the beginning of June 1910, Madero undertook what would be his fifth and last tour as a candidate for the presidency in the 1910 Mexican general election. While he was canvassing in Monterrey, the government decided to arrest him, an action that was "clumsy, counterproductive and tardy. Madero had already visited 22 states and founded no less than a hundred political clubs.”[48] A political prisoner, Madero was transferred to the penitentiary at San Luis Potosí.

With the only opposition candidate in prison, the presidential elections were held in the first days of July 1910, fraudulently allowing the dictator to win his seventh reelection as President of the Republic. In October, Madero managed to escape from prison and fled into exile in San Antonio, Texas. From exile, Madero issued the Plan of San Luis Potosí in which he proclaimed that the results of the 1910 election had been fraudulent: “out of the clauses [of his plan], the main points were the immediate assumption of the presidency by Madero under a provisional government, his lack of recognition of the Díaz government, the restitution of land to dispossessed peoples and communities and the freedom of political prisoners” and a call to citizens “take up arms, throw usurpers out of power, recover your rights as free men”.[49] The date of the Revolution had been set for November 20, 1910. In his provisional government, Madero appointed Pino as Secretary of Justice.

When the Mexican Revolution broke out in November 1910, Pino was in exile in Tabasco, fleeing the brutal repression of Muñoz Arigestguí. From Tabasco, he tried to take up arms and prepare an invasion of the Yucatecan Peninsula. According to his military plans, he would lead the invasion from Campeche, for which he enlisted the support of Urbano Espinosa and Calixto Maldonado,[50] though both men were apprehended upon arrival in Campeche and the government was able to collect all the orders and communications that Pino sent to all his supporters in Campeche and Yucatan, thus frustrating his attempt at revolution.

Like Madero before him, Pino was forced to leave the country and go to exile after learning from María Cámara Vales, his wife, that Porfirio Díaz had instructed his immediate arrest:

News reports coming in from Mexico City were alarming, these included the exile of Madero to the United States; meanwhile, rumors of drastic measures against the anti-reelectionists also arrived from Yucatan. Faced with these events, Pino sent his family to the home of a sister of Doña María who lived in San Juan Bautista [...] having just arrived there, a friendly government official transmitted the confidential instructions he had just received from the capital of the Republic to arrest her husband and send him to Mexico. But Doña María was no longer a weak and fearful woman she might have once been the pain had tempered her character and her anxiety permanently strengthened her resolution, she immediately decided to leave her children in the care of her sister and board the first available ship with the sole purpose of defending her life companion. As a dramatic coincidence, she happened to share the trip with the military officials that had been sent out by the federal government to arrest Pino; the most tremendous anguish takes hold of her spirit at the thought that they will reach their destination at the same time as her, but she is not daunted and manages to conceive a plan; the boat they had boarded set sail at night and spent the day moored in the various riverside towns on their itinerary, loading and unloading cargo; On the first such stop, she onboarded and gets hold of a horse, which quickly leaves carrying the message which will save her husband. The ship continued its route and upon reaching Montecristo, the head of the military escort learns to his chagrin that Pino cannot be found; María instantly knows that her effort had not been in vain, for, receiving her message, her husband had managed to leave the Chablé estate he was staying in, heading to Guatemala and then on the United States to meet with Madero. She returned to the State capital along with the disappointed picket of soldiers… maintaining the austerity of her demeanor, she nevertheless had a wet and singular shine in her eyes: Pino was safe.[51]

Persecuted by express order of the President of the Republic, Pino had to cross the border to Guatemala from "where he undertook his pilgrimage through the mountains to the English colony of British Honduras [modern day Belize], where he tried to get in touch again with his political supporters in search for supplies to send to the revolutionary expedition, he had instructed to invade the coasts of Yucatan and Campeche.”[44] However, the triumph of the Revolution in the north of the country would render the military campaign that Pino was preparing in the south of the Republic, with the assistance of general Luis Felipe Domínguez Suárez [es], his cousin, completely unnecessary.

Exiled in Texas, Pino seized the opportunity to become closer to the Maderista leadership, particularly with Gustavo Madero, the "grey eminence" of the Maderista movement with whom he established "a strong friendship" and who would, going forward, “unconditionally support Pino in the Maderista movement.”[52]

After his return to Mexico, Pino Suárez participated in the Battle of Ciudad Juárez, a key city in the north of Mexico that fell to the hands of the revolutionaries on May 10, 1911, an important military victory for their cause. Faced with the loss of this important border city, President Díaz's advisers, headed by José Yves Limantour, Secretary of the Treasury, became convinced that the dictator must resign to avoid a civil war and a possible military intervention by the United States. The government decided to negotiate with the rebels and appointed Francisco S. Carvajal, a prominent jurist, as its representative.

Along with Francisco Vázquez Gómez and Francisco Madero Hernández (Madero's father), Pino Suárez was appointed Maderista peace commissioner, responsible for negotiating with the federal government the terms of the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez, which would be signed on May 21, 1911. Momentously, the Treaties would mean the overthrow of the Porfirio Díaz regime after more than thirty years in power. However, they would also be harshly criticized since they ensured the dismissal of the Rebel army, thereby placing a future Madero government at the mercy of a Porfirista Federal Army that was hostile to their cause and which would eventually overthrow the Madero and Pino administration in February 1913. Venustiano Carranza, one of Madero's main advisers had advised against signing the Treaties of Ciudad Juárez, saying that "a revolution that compromises is a revolution that is lost."[53]

To preserve the constitutional order, the Treaties of Ciudad Juárez ensured that upon the resignation of President Díaz and Vice President Ramón Corral, Francisco León de la Barra, then the Foreign Secretary, would assume executive power as interim president until such time as 1911 Mexican general elections were held.

Governor of Yucatán

In mid-1911, after the triumph of the Maderista revolution, General Curiel submitted his resignation to the State Congress, which accepted it and appointed Pino interim governor of Yucatan.[54]

Pino's appointment provoked strong protests and violent reactions among the supporters of Delio Moreno Canton who soon undertook "more energetic and violent actions...citizens were frequently awakened by screams, gunshots and the explosion of bombs, watching in amazement as houses burned of the government officials or the henequen fields of the “Pinista” landowners. In some towns it was even necessary to organize night surveillance and public lighting services to prevent attacks. During the day, the Morenistas organized rallies and marches that defiantly paraded through the streets, symbolically storming the municipal palace and the police station.”[52]

Moreno Cantón was the political successor of his uncle, Francisco Cantón Rosado [es], a populist former Governor who had been close to the clergy. The Morenistas were demagogic and anti-elitist, finding their support base among the peasants (peons), the working class and the artisan middle classes.[17]

Pino Suárez, on the other hand, was the ideological successor of Carlos Peón, a former Governor, who believed in classical liberalism and who had been inspired by the French Revolution, being described as a “millionaire landowner [who] loved to present himself as a kind of Yucatecan Count Mirabeau”.[56] Thus, “pinismo gathered all the urban and rural clientele of the old peoncismo, led by landowners and businessmen and had the adherence of part of the intellectual sectors of Mérida".[17] Among the followers of Pino, were Humberto Carlos Peón Suárez, son of Carlos Peón Machado, who in 1911 was elected alderman of the Mérida City Council, with Fernando Solís León elected as Maderista Mayor."[57]

Although both candidates had fought to overthrow the Molinistas, the former supporters of Olegario Molina quickly decided to support Pino:

“It must be remembered, by the way, that at that time the large rural owners who had formed part of the old regime and supported the traditional (oligarchic) system, remained in force; Their ties included the leaders of the local Maderismo, a movement which maintained more moderate positions – one could even describe them as conservative – than it did in other states. In fact, Pino Suárez's wife, María Cámara Vales, was the daughter of a landowning family with ample economic resources, which had maintained a close relationship with the old regime: her parents were Raymundo Cámara Luján and Carmen Vales Castillo. Meanwhile, one of María's brothers (Nicolás) would be governor of the state only a year later.”[58]

Pino's conservative tendencies and his closeness to the old regime have been harshly criticized as not being in line with revolutionary values, even pointing out that he:

“Maintained the previous power structure, carrying out agreements with the most powerful families of the regional oligarchy, limiting the political participation of the masses and publicly condemning the “subversive” Morenista propaganda which he considered responsible for the imminent outbreak of a second Caste War… These actions which Pino undertook were not quite “revolutionary” but they did win over the vast majority of the families of the state's economic elite to the Maderista cause. Those who were Molinistas became Maderistas, as did former “liberal” supporters of former Governor Carlos Peón, politically inactive since the political crisis of 1897. Indeed, one of Pino Suárez's most prominent protectors was Augusto Peón, one of the wealthiest landowners, [who]…directly supported the Maderista leader, hauling-in his peasants to vote for him. The Cámara, Medina, Vales, Espejo, Castellanos, Escalante, Manzanilla and Peniche families [all important landowners] became supporters of Pinismo. The defection of the powerful Peniche family, from Espita, which had been a faithful supporter of the Molina regime, is an example of the attitude assumed by most of the wealthy groups in the state."[17]

The support of the large landowners was decisive in securing Pino's victory as governor since "the majority of the haciendas...continued to play the traditional role of electoral fiefdom of the landowners, as the flow of the votes of the peasant would reflect the political orientation of the landowners."[17]

As interim governor of the state, Pino's fundamental responsibility was to call special state elections to elect a constitutional governor in the face of the vacancy caused by the resignation of Muñoz Aristegui. In order not to influence the elections in which he would be a candidate, Pino withdrew from the governorship in August 1911; the state congress left the executive power in the hands of Jesús L. González who assumed the interim governorship.[54]

In the gubernatorial elections held in September 1911, Pino had to faced off Moreno. In some rural districts, the landowners, fearing the radicalism of Moreno, "forced their illiterate peons to vote for Pino."[17]

They were the first democratic elections in the history of Yucatan; for a significant part of the middle class, who, for the first time had the right to vote, the radical positions espoused by Moreno seemed an attractive alternative to definitively put an end to the power exercised by the traditional oligarchy (the divine caste) with which Pino, despite his democratic ideology, had close ties of kinship. Unlike the fraudulent elections organized by the old regime in which the official candidate won with absolute majorities, the results of these elections gave a very tight margin of victory to Pino's candidacy: "the influx was massive: 77% of the potential voters…Pino Suárez won with only 57.5% of the votes. Significantly, in Mérida, Moreno obtained 85% of the votes and in Valladolid 66%.”[2] It is not surprising that, in the urban districts, where a large part of the middle classes lived, Moreno obtained such ample margins. Pino achieved much more favorable margins in the rural districts where he had the support of the large landowners.

In those regions where Moreno dominated, would be the same ones would later "dominated by the Socialist Party of Yucatan from 1920 onwards. If we add to this the fact that the majority of the socialists were initially followers of Moreno, leaders such as Felipe Carrillo Puerto, we can glimpse the close connection that existed between the popular Yucatecan Catholic tradition and the genesis of regional socialism. Meanwhile, the "liberals", who followed Pino, were almost all elitists and anti-socialists."[17] Thus, the local elections of 1911 had a significant impact on Yucatan politics since the Yucatecan socialist movement which prospered after the 1920s found its antecedents in the frustrated ambitions of Morenismo. Meanwhile, liberalism and antisocialism in the State had its antecedents in Pinista thought.

Despite Moreno's popularity among the working and middle classes, the election narrowly favored Pino who assumed the Governorship of Yucatán on October 17, 1911. In his brief period as Governor, Pino set out to liberally reform the Criminal Code, which had previously been designed, under the old regime, to curtailed political freedoms.

His period in the governorship was brief because a short time later, on November 15, 1911, Pino Suárez had to assume the Vice-Presidency for which he had been elected in the 1911 Mexican general elections.

In Yucatán, meanwhile, the state congress appointed Nicolás Cámara Vales as his successor.[54]

1911 Presidential elections

On July 9, 1911, Madero launched a manifesto creating the Progressive Constitutionalist Party (PCP) that replaced the National Anti-Reelectionist Party (PNA) since, having defeated President Díaz and modified the Constitution to prohibit Mexican Presidents from seeking a second term, it no longer made sense to fight for anti-reelection. On August 27, the delegates of the PCP met at the Teatro Hidalgo[59] to decide who would occupy the candidacy for the presidency, deciding unanimously in favor of Madero. Next, on September 2, the election of the candidate for the vice presidency of the Republic was carried out, with Pino's competing against Francisco Vázquez Gómez, Alfredo Robles Domínguez and Fernando Iglesias Calderón.[60] Madero had declared himself in favor of Pino's election.

The vote was won by Pino with 876 votes against Francisco Vázquez Gómez's 469. However, there was immediate disagreement on the part of “some of the Vázquez supporters… [in] agreement with the result of the vote…[it was] proposed that a new compromise candidate be launched, who could be Federico González Garza, a proposal that It was rejected by the Assembly."[61]

Francisco Vázquez Gómez did not accept the party's decision and decided to launch his own independent candidacy for the vice presidency. Meanwhile, the candidate of the Catholic party was Francisco León de la Barra, then interim president of the Republic. On September 26, Madero and Pino arrived in Mexico City in the middle of the presidential campaign and “a crowd filled the platforms of the San Lázaro station to receive them."[61] The primary elections were held on October 1, 1911, and the secondary elections on the 15th. Madero “won the presidency of the Republic by quite a margin. The real fight was between the vice presidential candidates.."[61] After close competition, Pino triumphed with 63.90% of the popular vote. On November 2, 1911, in accordance with the Constitution of 1854, the Congress of the Union met as an electoral college to certify the popular elections; the triumph of Madero and Pino was declared. For the vice presidency of the Republic, Pino obtained 10,254 votes against the 5,564 obtained by León de la Barra and 3,374 obtained by Vázquez Gómez. Three days later, the proclamation was published that recognized the electoral triumph of Madero and Pino, who were to govern for a five-year period between 1911 and 1916.[62]

Candidate	Votes	%
José María Pino Suárez	10,245	63.90
Francisco León de la Barra	5,564	34.70
Fernando Iglesias Calderón	173	1.08
Other candidates	51	0.32
Total	16,033	100.00
Source: González Casanova

Vice-President of Mexico and Secretary of Education

On November 18, Pino arrived in Mexico City by train. On the morning of November 23, in the plenary session of the Chamber of Deputies and before its president, Manuel Levy, he swore the oath of office. The newspapers of the time reported that Pino "was moved to such a degree that he changed some of the terms of the oath."[61] After the act, he was escorted by two mounted gendarmerie regiments to the National Palace where President Madero, accompanied by his Ministers, received the vice-president to whom he said the following words:

"You have just sworn to protect and preserve the Constitution and I know, because I know you well, that your oath is sincere and you will comply with it. The triumph of your candidacy is a guarantee for the future, because it demonstrates the intelligence, and patriotism of the Mexican people who, with the manifest intention of helping me in the arduous task imposed on me have put by my side, to collaborate with me, and, if necessary to replace me, a man of your energy, which you will use to defend the interests of the people. In Ciudad Juárez, you said at a certain moment: 'How is it possible that we abandon a man who has rendered such eminent services to the Republic at this difficult moment? It is possible that he will sink and go to an abyss, but it is our duty to accompany him, because such determination is only inspired by the purest love of the country!' As luck would have it, instead of accompanying me to the abyss, you accompany me to the highest position our Nation can offer.”[61]

A few days after Pino assumed office, Emiliano Zapata, a radical revolutionary, published the Plan of Ayala, planning to topple the Madero's government and accusing him of having made "of the ideal of democratic elections a bloody mockery of the people and imposing, against the will of the same said people, José María Pino Suárez in the Vice Presidency of the Republic.”[63]

Madero had publicly pronounced himself in favor of naming Pino Suárez concurrently Vice President of the Republic and Secretary of the Interior. However, in Madero's first government, Pino Suárez did not occupy any ministerial portfolio, which led the historian José C. Valdés to affirm that at that time his "political influence was limited."[64]

Madero's first government was beset by many problems: “The cabinet was formed with a conservative majority and a revolutionary minority. This situation generated serious problems in the administration, since all attempts at reform were hampered by conservative ministers supported by some members of the bourgeoisie, such as Madero's own father, and by the reactionary sector of the press, whose attacks were terribly virulent."[65]

On February 26, 1912, President Madero inaugurated his second government, and Pino's political influence grew significantly as a result. Among the significant changes in the cabinet reshuffle, Abraham González Casavantes resigned from the Ministry of the Interior to take over as Governor of Chihuahua, being replaced in office by Jesús Flores Magón. Meanwhile, Pino was asked to lead the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, replacing Miguel Díaz Lombardo, who would be appointed Ambassador to France.

Pino's appointment as Secretary of Education was important as education was one of the key pillars of the Maderista revolution: Madero desired to remove the last vestiges of the old regime's ideology from national education. Madero "began to show its sympathies for popular education and not only for the dissemination of culture to the circles of the intellectual elite as had been done hitherto."[67]

On April 9, Manuel Calero y Sierra [es] resigned from the Foreign Ministry to become Ambassador in the United States, being replaced in office by Pedro Lascuráin. Calero's posting in Washington was brief: in December he was forced to resign due to an embarrassing scandal: the Ambassador was advising US companies to evade new taxes imposed by the Madero administration. After resigning, he accused that "the influence of Vice-President Pino Suárez has became dominant in the administration."[66]

Madero's second government soon faced several uprisings in the context of the Mexican Revolution: the Bernardo Reyes rebellion, the Orozquista revolution, the growth of Zapatismo in Morelos, and finally the Félix Díaz uprising in Veracruz. All of these uprising were quashed by the government.

Within the cabinet, Pino Suárez headed the liberal wing of the Maderista party (known as bloque renovador) that sought to return to the liberal and democratic values that Madero had favored before assuming power and for which it had been necessary to overthrow the dictator:

"Characters of all political affiliations paraded through Madero's cabinet, each with more or less determined ideologies; the cabinet strived to amalgamate the highest representatives of Mexican society, economy and politics, an objective which was difficult to achieve if not altogether contradictory. Maderismo, independent of Madero but loyal to Madero, although sometimes having to act against Madero, stuck for an idea of exclusivism which the government at times accepted and at times rejected: in some Ministries it acted in a conciliatory manner; in others, it was tenacious and intolerant to a civil service which remained loyal to the old regime. Pino Suárez headed the Renovador movement, a group of Ministers who wanted the government to be exclusive to revolutionaries and which strived to return the government to base its support on the people who had elected it."[68]

In the legislative elections held in February 1912, the Renovador movement, headed in Congress by Gustavo Madero, obtained a slim legislative majority. However, the opposition against the government was better organized, effectively "exaggerating the badness of the situation in the country, hindering the action of the Executive branch and launching harsh attacks against the government... with their activities they were undermining the prestige of Madero, whom they branded as inept and naïve.”[69]

However, the most virulent attacks were always reserved for Pino who was immensely unpopular with the opposition in Congress. Manuel Márquez Sterling, the Cuban Ambassador to Mexico at the time, described it:

"If the attacks on [Madero] were violent…the opposition to Pino Suárez was even more so. Daily, he was radicalized and the opposition attributed to his person defects which he did not possess [...] And as if fate made of the vice presidency in all forms of government a target of insatiable anger, Pino Suárez could match the headaches he suffered to those of his late predecessor [Vice President Ramón Corral]. Stuck between Madero [...] and his adversaries, on both sides of the political aisle, who were out to crucify him [...] he waited patiently for the discomforts and blows to tilt [Madero's] vacillating policy to his side and that of his party. After a delicious banquet offered by Madero to the Diplomatic Corps, Pino Suárez, smoking a delicious cuban cigar from Vuelta Abajo and with a glass of Chartreuse between his fingers, explained to me, in an intimate tone, his criteria, and I remember, as if I was just hearing them now, his words, full of faith. “We find ourselves – he said – in a very critical situation; and only a change of methods will be able to avoid total catastrophe; the change is already planned and the government will manage to move away from the precipice. An energetic hand, a determined, concrete, invariable political leadership, is what the extremely altered state of the country requires. To go towards Don Porfirio's accomplices is to put one's throat under the executioner's axe. And that is exactly where we are today. I do not recommend carrying out persecutions, abuses, or evil. I maintain my allegiance to the ideal of the Plan of San Luis Potosí, which is a tribute to legality, freedom and civilization. But the policy of rapprochement with the oligarch, who hates us, will only throw us into the abyss. At the moment we are not exactly a Cíentifico [technocratic] government, but we are not a populist government either. And that is the cause of the riots and the origin of our dejection. We are caught between two fires. We are not anyone's adversaries; but the whole world is our adversary. The president already sees things clearly in this matter on which the life of the government and perhaps our own life depends. As long as we maintain the support of Congress and the people, we do not need the fat cats.”[70]

At the head of the Ministry of Education, Pino decided that he would favor “elementary and popular education”[71] and, in accordance with the wishes of President Madero, he wanted to eliminate the last vestiges of positivism, an ideology that had been favored by the Cíentificos, a group of technocrats who had advised Porfirio Díaz. In the context of the separation of Church and State, the former ministers of Díaz had favored a secular education with a positivist ideology as opposed to naturalism, the ideology that had been favored by Catholic Church, historically predominant in the country's education. The Cíentificos, however, “due to the triumph of the revolutionary movement of 1910…had lost almost all of their political positions; the National School of Jurisprudence was one of the few important ones – as a source of supply for political “cadres” – that remained in their hands, and they decided to fight a head-to-head battle before losing it”[71]

To end the control that the former regime had over the National School of Jurisprudence, Pino appointed Luis Cabrera as its director, an appointment that was greeted dismissively by the law students. Differences between the Ministry and law students led to the founding of the Escuela Libre de Derecho as a private university. Once the Maderista regime was overthrown in 1913, several professors from this new institution were ministers in the de facto government headed by General Victoriano Huerta, and many students celebrated the change of regime.

In January 1913, only months before the coup d'état, "the Congressmen belonging to the Renovador party opted for conferring with the President in order to make him aware of the danger that surrounded his government and to recommend that he restructure his cabinet, naming revolutionaries with a proven track record of loyalty to the government. Headed by José Inés Novelo [es] [formerly Pino's private secretary], the Congressmen met with the President on January 25th, 1913, but Madero rejected their proposals and ended the meeting abruptly.”[72]

The Ten Tragic Days: Military Coup d'État

By February 1913, Gustavo Madero had already been appointed Ambassador to Japan, although he had not yet left for Tokyo. His separation from the government was “a good guarantee, hidden in a valise diplomatique, of his discrepancies [with the President].” For similar reasons, Pino, "in his heart of hearts, longed to resign and it is a point that he often discussed in hermetic privacy." Luis Cabrera, always close to Pino Suárez, "foreseeing the earthquake which would sink the government" decides to go abroad.[71]

Pino was perhaps the first member of Madero's cabinet to suspect the loyalty of General Victoriano Huerta, who still kept the outward appearance of being loyal to the Madero government:

"One afternoon, shortly before, Huerta announced himself at Pino Suárez's house. The butler ushered him into the living room; and the Vice-President believed that Huerta's objective was to arrest him. He was greatly astonished when Huerta, hugging him, said: 'Mr. Pino Suárez: my enemies affirm that I am going to carry out a coup d'état. Now, here I am to reiterate my adherence to the government'."[71]

On February 9, when the coup that would cost them their lives broke out, Pino Suárez immediately informed Federico González Garza, Governor of the Federal District, of the military uprising, who in turn informed Emiliano López Figueroa, Chief-Inspector of the Police. Later, Pino Suárez and González Garza headed towards the National Palace which was already being besieged by the rebels.

That same day, Pino Suárez and González Garza went to the Chapultepec Castle to accompany the president from his official residence to the National Palace which, despite the rebel siege, had been successfully protected by General Lauro Villar, loyal to the government. González Garza organized a company of cadets and gendarmes to protect the President and vice-president as they made their way to the Palace, in a route that is remembered in Mexican history as la marcha de la lealtad (the loyal march). However, the caravan led by the president was fired upon by a sniper. The president and his entourage had to stop, seeking shelter at a daguerre photograph shop where they were overtaken by Gustavo Madero and, some time later, by General Victoriano Huerta. There, Madero was informed that General Villar had been wounded during combat and, at the request of Ángel García Peña, Secretary of Defense, it was decided to appoint General Huerta to replace him as the military commander in charge of ending the insurrection.

After the failure of the rebels to take the National Palace, the rebels had to retreat to La Ciudadela, a fortress and armements depot in the historic center of Mexico City. Victoriano Huerta, who had secretly reached an agreement with the rebels to assume the interim presidency once President Madero fell, pretended to remain loyal to the government. Nevertheless, his ammunition was fired in such a way as to cause minimum damage to La Ciudadela, ensuring that the fortress did not fall in government hands, and causing maximum damage to other buildings, particularly occupied by foreign residents, in order to convince the world of the inefficiency of the government. As Pino before him, Gustavo Madero suspected that General Huerta, who had previously been recognized throughout his career for his talent in employing artillery, would now display such ineptitude. On February 17, Gustavo Madero decided to arrest General Huerta and presented him to his brother, accusing him of treason. President Madero, in a mistake that would cost him his life, decided to believe General Huerta's word when he swore that La Ciudadela would fall in 24 hours.

The following day, February 18, while the Cabinet was meeting in the National Palace, insurgent troops led by Colonel Teodoro Jiménez Riveroll broke into the session and tried to arrest the President, vice-president and the entire Cabinet. The secret service protected the president and Captain Gustavo Garmendia managed to kill Colonel Jiménez Riveroll, thus frustrating that attempt to overthrow the Madero government. A small delegation headed by President Madero and Vice President Pino Suárez intended to go to the courtyard of the National Palace to enlist the support of loyal troops. However, the army stood by while General Aureliano Blanquet arrested their commander in chief. Madero and Pino Suárez, now prisoners of the rebel forces, were taken to the offices of the quartermaster of the National Palace together with General Felipe Ángeles, who was loyal to the government of the Republic.

Pedro Lascuráin, Madero's foreign minister, acted as an intermediary between the Madero government and the rebels led by General Huerta. Lascuráin conveyed Huerta's offer to Madero and Pino Suárez: if both men resigned from their respective positions, he would allow them to go to the port of Veracruz, where they could embark and go into exile in the foreign country of their choice. Madero and Pino Suárez agreed to present their respective resignations, but they put several conditions, among them, they demanded that Lascuráin not submit the double resignation to Congress until Madero, together with his brother Gustavo (they still did not know of his tragic end), Pino Suárez and Ángeles, had embarked with their respective families on a warship that had been provided by the government of Cuba. When drafting the resignation documents, Pino Suárez "haughtily stated that he was not satisfied with the reason given as the cause of the resignations and wanted it to be recorded that they were forced to do so by the force of arms," it was only after hectic negotiations with the vice-president, that it was decided that the resignation should contain the phrase "compelled by circumstances."[71]

Breaking with the main condition that Madero and Pino had imposed on him to resign, Lascuráin immediately went to Congress and presented the double resignation, instead of waiting for the President and vice-president to be safely aboard the Cuban warship that would lead them to exile. Congress accepted both resignations in the belief that this would save the lives of Madero and Pino. Despite several efforts made by various members of the diplomatic corps accredited in Mexico and the families of both men, the new de facto government headed by Victoriano Huerta never allowed them to go into exile.

Assassination

On the night of February 22, Madero and Pino Suárez were taken from the National Palace, where they were being held captive, to be transferred in two vehicles to Lecumberri Prison.

When they arrived at Lecumberri, the cars passed the main entrance, turning towards the farthest end of the compound. There, Francisco Cárdenas, a corporal in the Rurales, ordered Madero to get out of the car and, given his refusal to comply, shot him in the head, killing him instantly. Following this act, Lieutenant Rafael Pimienta shot Pino Suárez, whose body registered a total of thirteen bullet shots.

The assassination was carried out by express order of General Huerta and his cabinet. However, the Huerta government explained that a group of supporters had attempted to rescue the former president and former vice-president and that both men had been shot while trying to escape from their captors. Francisco León de la Barra, Huerta's Foreign Secretary, sent a diplomatic cable with this explanation that "circulated through all the foreign ministries of the world [...] explaining, in the form of a novel, the sensational event... more so in Mexico, where the Ley Fuga [killing someone who escapes] has been applied too many times [...] Nobody, supporter or enemy of the government, believed the official fable."[71]

In the United States, "public opinion was so shaken that it was impossible for President William Howard Taft to recognize the Huerta government."[71] His successor, Woodrow Wilson, had sympathized with Madero and would support the constitutionalist forces of Venustiano Carranza who would succeed in overthrowing the Huerta dictatorship in August 1914. Huerta's military dictatorship had de facto recognition from some European governments, including Great Britain. as well as China and Japan. On the other hand, the United States and Latin American countries (with the exception of Guatemala) avoided granting recognition. Eventually, Woodrow Wilson, was able to convince the British government to change their attitude towards Huerta.

María Cámara Vales, Pino's widow, wanted to go to identify her husband's body, but was convinced by family and friends that she would not “suffer the torture of seeing him."[71] But it was Alfredo Pino Cámara, his eldest son, then only a fourteen-year-old teenager, who "examined with horror the swollen features of his father and the strip of cardboard, bound by a bandage, that held the dismembered skull."[71]

Legacy

Maria Cámara, Pino's widow, fearing persecution from the new military dictatorship, fled Mexico City. Returning initially to her native Mérida. In 1969, shortly before her death, she was granted the Belisario Domínguez Medal of Honor by the Mexican Senate, the highest award Mexico can award to her own citizens.[73]

In 1986, President Miguel de la Madrid ordered the remains of José Pino to be transferred with full military honors to the Rotonda de las Personas Ilustres (Rotunda of Illustrious Persons),[74] a site that honors those who are considered to have exalted the civic and national values of Mexico.

In 1915, the Congress of the State of Tabasco ordered that the birthplace of Pino was to be renamed as Tenosique de Pino Suárez.[75] In Villahermosa, the state capital of Tabasco, a statue was erected in his honor.[76] Later, his name was written in golden letters in the assembly hall of the Congress of the State of Tabasco. The public library is also named in his honor.

Throughout the country, several cities have streets named in his honor near the city center. One contemporaneous honor by Pancho Villa remains in the historic center of Mexico City: on the morning of 8 December 1914, he declared that one of the street leading out of the Zócalo would be named for Pino Suárez; to this date, it remains as Pino Suárez Avenue (Avenida Pino Suárez), it is one of the most popular and historically significant streets in the city and was pedestrianised in 2009. The Supreme Court of Justice building is located in this street and is commonly known as Pino Suárez 2. A long-running television program which covers the judicial branch (canal judicial) is called Pino Suárez Dos.[77]

Metro Pino Suárez, one of the most important stations of the Mexico City Metro also bears his name.

In 2010, on the 100th anniversary of the Mexican Revolution, the Central Bank of Mexico (Banco de México) ordered the minting of a five peso coin ($5.00) which bore the portrait of José María Pino Suárez. Similar coins were minted bearing the likeness of Francisco I. Madero, Álvaro Obregón, Venustiano Carranza, Pancho Villa, Emiliano Zapata and other important revolutionary leaders.[78]

• 
  This Statue was erected in the site where José María Pino Suárez was assassinated. Pino Suárez is praised as the Martyr of Democracy.
• 
  The Supreme Court of Justice building is located in Avenida Pino Suárez 2.
• 
  Pino Suárez Public Library in Villahermosa, Tabasco.

See also

• Liberalism in Mexico
• Mexican Revolution
• List of Vice presidents of Mexico
• Ten Tragic Days

Political offices
Preceded by Ramón Corral	Vice President of Mexico 1911–1913	Succeeded by Office abolished

References

На других языках

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- [en] José María Pino Suárez

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[es] José María Pino Suárez

José María Pino Suárez (Tenosique, Tabasco; 8 de septiembre de 1869-Ciudad de México, 22 de febrero de 1913) fue un político, abogado, hombre de letras y periodista mexicano que se desempeñó como vicepresidente de México del 6 de noviembre de 1911 al 19 de febrero de 1913, durante los eventos de la denominada Decena Trágica.[1]

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[ru] Пино Суарес, Хосе Мария

Хосе Мария Пино Суарес (исп. José María Pino Suárez; 8 сентября 1869 — 22 февраля 1913) — мексиканский политический и государственный деятель. Вице-президент Мексики (1911—1913), революционер, юрист, поэт, журналист.

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